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September 9, 2022
Heather Cox Richardson |
Today, President Joe Biden’s administration released an “economic blueprint” to show how the new laws and policies it has put in place “are rebuilding an economy that works for working families.”
The Biden-Harris Economic Blueprint notes that Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris took office in the midst of unprecedented crises, including “an economy that for many decades had been failing to deliver for working families—with workers and middle-class families left behind, stagnating wages and accelerating costs, crumbling infrastructure, U.S. manufacturing in decline, and persistent racial disparities.” In the past year and a half, it says, the Democrats have set the nation “on a new course,” investing in a historic economic recovery based on a long-term strategy to make lasting changes to the economy that will carry the nation into the future, making sure that no one is left behind.
The blueprint calls for empowering workers through unionization and new jobs; restoring the country’s manufacturing base by investing in infrastructure and clean energy; helping families by lowering costs and expanding access to affordable and high-quality health care, child care, education, housing, and so on; promoting industrial competition to open the way for entrepreneurs and bring down costs; and “rewarding work, not wealth,” by reforming taxation so that taxes do not go up on anyone who makes less than $400,000 a year, and that the wealthy and corporations pay their fair share.
This blueprint pulls together much of what Biden has been saying all along, and it is quite clear about what this means. What the blueprint calls “new architecture” must, it says, “replace the old regime.” The old system sent economic gains to the top while outsourcing industries, and the end of public investment hollowed out the middle class. The new system will drive “the economy from the bottom up and middle out” because that system “ensures that growth benefits everyone.”
While Biden and Harris are focused on the economy and the future, the Department of Justice is still handling crises created by the former president.
Yesterday the Department of Justice (DOJ) filed a motion to request a partial stay of Judge Aileen Cannon’s order last week, the one that said the DOJ couldn’t use the items the FBI seized when they searched the Trump property at Mar-a-Lago on August 8.
In her Civil Discourse newsletter, law professor, host of the Sisters In Law podcast, and former U.S. attorney Joyce White Vance explained that the DOJ has asked for that order to be stayed as far as it concerns the classified records. That request is separate from an appeal of the order itself to the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals, which the DOJ has indicated it will undertake. With the motion it filed yesterday, the DOJ wants the court to hold off on enforcing the judge’s order that the government can’t review and use the materials seized “for criminal investigative purposes,” and the part that says the government must turn the records over to a special master.
The DOJ pointed out that the intelligence community’s assessment of the damage done to our national security is tied together with the ongoing criminal investigation. Because the FBI is central to both, the judge’s order has shut down the national security review, which is vitally important to the country.
“In plain English,” Vance writes, “DOJ is asking how the guy who took the classified nuclear secrets he wasn’t entitled to have is harmed if law enforcement gets to look at those materials to protect our national security.”
The judge has given Trump’s lawyers until Monday to respond.
Meanwhile, at Just Security, Michael Stern points out that in Nixon v. GSA, everyone—including President Richard M. Nixon—agreed that “the very specific privilege protecting against disclosure of state secrets and sensitive information concerning military or diplomatic matters…may be asserted only by an incumbent President,” suggesting that Trump has no grounds to assert executive privilege over the classified information seized.
Also today, Judge Donald Middlebrooks of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida dismissed a lawsuit Trump launched in March 2022 against Hillary Clinton and a number of his favorite villains alleging that “the Defendants, blinded by political ambition, orchestrated a malicious conspiracy to disseminate patently false and injurious information about Donald J. Trump and his campaign, all in the hopes of destroying his life, his political career and rigging the 2016 Presidential Election in favor of Hillary Clinton.” The people he was suing dismissed his lawsuit, saying, “[w]hatever the utilities of [the Amended Complaint] as a fundraising tool, a press release, or a list of political grievances, it has no merit as a lawsuit.” The judge agreed and demolished the 193-page lawsuit as lacking evidence, legal justification, and good faith.
The lawsuit rehashed the Russia investigation, which Trump used to great effect during his term to deflect investigations into his wrongdoing. Two investigations, one by an independent investigation by Special Counsel Robert Mueller and another by the Republican-dominated Senate Intelligence Committee, revealed that Russia had attacked the U.S. presidential election in 2020 and that the Trump campaign had, at the very least, played along.
But by using the machinery of government, including by putting loyalists into key positions, Trump reversed reality to argue that he was an innocent victim and that the investigators were actually the ones who had broken the law. He and his allies saturated the media with accusations that government officials, including FBI agents—many of whom he named in this lawsuit—were members of the “Deep State,” out to get him.
Trump is resurrecting this old trope at a time when he is in the midst of yet another investigation for which the evidence against him is monumental. Now out of power, though, he has had to turn to the courts and, interestingly, contrived to get this case in front of Judge Cannon, who was rushed onto the court with very little experience after Trump had already lost the 2020 election.
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Notes:
September 9th 2022
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https://www.axios.com/2022/09/
Biden attacks 'MAGA Republicans' at the nation's peril | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The president's new strategy should win Dems more seats but could also empower Trump and his allies. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Joe Biden ran for president in 2020 as the unifier of a broken nation. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
After four years of partisan rancor and chaos under Donald Trump, Americans elected him to lower the temperature and heal rifts inside what has become the most politically divided and dysfunctional of all major economies. In his inaugural speech, President Biden vowed to “put an end to “the uncivil war that pits red versus blue.” | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Things have changed. Two weeks ago, Biden called out Trump and his supporters as “semi-fascists.” Then, last Thursday, the president spent the bulk of his prime-time address about democracy at Independence Hall in Philadelphia vigorously denouncing those he labeled ‘MAGA Republicans’ as a threat to the republic. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
“The Republican Party today is dominated, driven, and intimidated by Donald Trump and the MAGA Republicans, and that is a threat to this country,” he said. “MAGA Republicans do not respect the Constitution. They do not believe in the rule of law. They do not recognize the will of the people.” | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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True, many Republicans including Donald Trump do overtly support overturning free and fair elections through violent means if necessary. The existence of such an extreme (and powerful) faction is deeply problematic for the persistence and strength of our democracy. It’s also true, however, that not all Republicans—and not even all Trump supporters—feel that way. Biden himself acknowledged that. Surely, tarring one-third of the U.S. population as being beyond redemption does little to bridge the country’s political divide. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Why did Biden suddenly change his tune? After all, Trump is still the same man he was two years ago. The MAGA movement hasn’t changed, either. The threat is no different today than it was when Biden was inaugurated. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The clearest explanation is that he sees a short-term political opportunity. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Trump had been sinking a bit in the polls for the last few months. Most Republicans still liked him but weren’t as excited about him as before, and they were starting to consider other potential leaders like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. The January 6 hearings got a lot of play with Democrats, but Fox News barely covered it and Trump supporters didn’t pay much attention to them. This was all bad news for Democrats, who need Trump to fire up their base and draw moderate voters away from the Republican Party. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Enter the FBI search of Mar-a-Lago. Trump was thrust back into the news cycle. His supporters rallied against the FBI and the Justice Department for what they saw as yet another witch hunt. Suddenly, Republican officials and candidates were forced to make a choice: either distance themselves from Trump or embrace him. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Biden’s strategy is to make hedging on this choice harder for them as the midterms near. Given that most Americans prefer moderate and centrist candidates, going full MAGA makes Republicans easier to beat in November. But if they take the Liz Cheney route instead, they risk losing their GOP primary bids to Trumpier candidates—who in turn would face longer odds of winning general elections. Either way, Democrats stand to benefit from sharpening the stakes. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Indeed, this gambit may well be the Democrats’ best chance of holding the Senate and minimizing their loss in the House. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Yes, the Biden administration has notched meaningful policy wins like the misnamed Inflation Reduction Act, the CHIPS Act, and student debt forgiveness that they can run on. Gas prices have come down from their highs, and the job market remains strong. The Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade has energized Democratic voters and turned more than a few independents and suburban women off the GOP. But inflation is still very high, the average American is deeply worried about where the economy is headed, and Biden’s approval ratings are quite low. These fundamentals would normally spell trouble for the incumbent’s party. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
By beating the drums against MAGA Republicans from the bully pulpit and making the midterms a referendum not on Biden’s tenure but on Trump, Democrats are keeping themselves in the race. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The downside of this strategy is that it will probably lead to more election deniers in office and strengthen Trump’s hold over the Republican Party, setting up a Biden vs. Trump contest in 2024. While Trump is more likely to lose to Biden than any other conceivable Republican nominee, he could win fair and square. Given how unfit for office he proved to be the last time around, the prospect of a second Trump presidency is extremely dangerous for the country. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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And that’s not the worst of it. Should Trump lose, his efforts to overturn the election would be much more likely to succeed if there were more election-denying governors, state senators, secretaries of state, and attorneys general to aid him. This is a graver threat to U.S. institutions than a Trump victory. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Biden’s gamble may be a winner for the Democrats but a loser for America.
Labor Day has long served as the unofficial kickoff of election season: More voters start to pay attention, political TV ads become inescapable, volunteers knock on doors and pollsters adjust their samples from “registered voters” to “likely voters.” Now, with Labor Day behind us, here’s the lay of the land just nine short weeks away from Election Day, per POLITICO’s just-updated forecast : — The Senate: Toss-up (Previously: Lean Republican) — The House: Likely Republican (Previously: Likely Republican) What’s behind that change in Senate ratings? Steve Shepard sees four key factors : (1) the political environment has improved for President JOE BIDEN and Democrats, (2) the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe has energized supporters of abortion rights, (3) GOP candidates have struggled in major swing states, and (4) Dems have (slightly) expanded the map. MORE ON THE GOP’S SENATE WOES — “Republicans this election cycle thought they had finally achieved a breakthrough with suburban women after years of losing support,” Natalie Allison reports this morning. “Now, as the primary season has all but ended, the GOP is back where it once was: Appealing directly to skeptical female voters, the women whose support will make or break the party’s drive to retake the Senate majority.” Said one anonymous GOP strategist working on Senate races: “Our problem is particularly white middle-aged women. … We need to soften our guys.” One way they’re doing that: “One after the other, Republican … male candidates have begun putting their wives in front of the camera to speak directly to voters in new television ads.” — Ohio: “J.D. VANCE’s wife, USHA, sat at a kitchen table talking about Vance’s hardships as a child and being raised by his grandmother.” — Arizona: “CATHERINE MASTERS sat in the couple’s home and discussed her husband’s [BLAKE MASTERS’] motivation to run for Senate, a video interspersed with footage of their three young boys.” Worth noting: Per Natalie, since winning the GOP nomination, Masters has “adjusted his stance from favoring a far-reaching national abortion ban to one that only applies to third-trimester pregnancies.” — Colorado: “CELESTE O’DEA, the wife of Colorado GOP Senate nominee JOE O’DEA , was the latest spouse to be featured in the series of Republican ads. The spot launched just days after O’Dea’s campaign released a digital video featuring his adult daughter discussing her father’s support for ‘abortion rights,’ access to contraception and same-sex marriage.” — Nevada: “ADAM LAXALT’s wife, JAIME , sat next to him on a sofa as they talked about his difficult childhood. The ad shows photos of a young Laxalt and his single mother.” FIRST IN PLAYBOOK — Today, the DSCC is launching its first general-election TV ad campaign against Laxalt, hammering the nominee over his stance on abortion rights as part of a previously announced $33 million independent expenditure effort. Watch the 30-second spot THE HOUSE IS A DIFFERENT STORY — It’s true that things don’t look quite as bad for Dems as they did, say, three months ago. But when it comes to the House, there’s still this reality: “Republicans may not need to flip any districts that Biden carried in 2020 to reclaim the majority,” Ally Mutnick, Sarah Ferris and Elena Schneider write in a curtain-raiser this morning. “In all, Republicans need to net only five seats to win the gavel. And while Democrats may be poised to mitigate some losses, Republicans say there’s still little chance the party’s summertime surge can overcome the stacked map.” Among the reasons the GOP will likely eke it out: a historic number of Democratic retirements, redistricting advantages and Democratic incumbents in Trump territory. “Despite the undeniable shift in momentum toward Democrats, some Democrats say privately that a good night for their party would be limiting the GOP to single-digit gains,” the trio write, adding that “[e]ven that scenario reflects a massive shift in the political environment — and in Democrats’ expectations — since just a few weeks ago.” |
Queen Elizabeth II, Britain's longest-reigning monarch, dead at 96 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The queen was a beacon of stability in an era of domestic and international upheaval. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Queen Elizabeth II, the longest-serving monarch in the history of the United Kingdom and virtually in world history, has died at the age of 96 in Balmoral, Scotland. She is succeeded by her son Charles, 73, now King Charles III. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Queen Elizabeth’s reign spanned roughly one-third of America’s entire existence (and nearly half of Canada’s, if you’re keeping count). Fifteen different UK prime ministers served under her, starting with Winston Churchill and ending with Liz Truss. During this time, the United Kingdom went from global power and industrial powerhouse to a post-European middle power. She lived through and reigned over the colonial era, the end of the British Empire, and the UK’s exit from Europe. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Under the British Constitution, the monarch is head of state of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth. Although they are kept informed of all government activities through the Privy Council, their role is largely ceremonial and apolitical, with no part in government other than formally appointing prime ministers, accepting their resignation, and assenting to legislation. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Queen Elizabeth had long been the single most popular figure in the UK, seen as a beacon of stability in a fast-changing nation and a volatile world. The enduring popularity of the monarchy as an institution in Britain owes much to her. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Queen Elizabeth remained utterly impartial through her 70-year reign. This contrasts with her son, now-King Charles III, who has been far less cautious over the years about allowing his political and policy opinions to reach the public’s ear. If the monarchy is to continue to succeed in the UK, the king will need to exercise greater restraint. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The queen’s death and succession will dominate headlines across the UK and the Commonwealth for some time, overshadowing Liz Truss’s first weeks as prime minister. The news will undoubtedly be received with enormous sadness by a public that’s been battered by two years of the Covid-19 pandemic, a shambolic Brexit process, a string of domestic political scandals, resurgent independent movements in Scotland and Ireland, and now the worst cost-of-living crisis of any major developed economy in the world. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Affection for the Queen has been a critical factor in keeping the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth together amid growing calls for independence. Republican movements in countries with constitutional parliamentary monarchies across the Commonwealth will likely grow stronger in the aftermath of her passing. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Until today, the queen was the only monarch the vast majority of Brits had ever lived under—not just the mother of modern Britain but also the matriarch of the British people, and a fixture of daily life. For the rest of us, she was the embodiment of Britain’s national identity and global power. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Queen Elizabeth was loved across the world in an extraordinary and singular way. King Charles has big shoes to fill. She will be missed.
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